Hodge, (A)rchibald (A)lexander (1823-1886).
Princeton* theologian.* Born the eldest son and successor of Princeton theologian Charles Hodge,* he was educated at Princeton* (1841) and Princeton Seminary* (1846) and came to defend Calvinist* theology and its world view in the tradition begun by Archibald Alexander* after whom he was named. Upon graduating from seminary, Hodge and his family went to Allahabad, India, as Presbyterian missionaries. Forced to return for reasons of health, Hodge was a pastor in Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania for several years (1851-1862). In 1864 he became professor of systematic theology at Western Theological Seminary, Allegheny, Pennsylvania, and in 1878 accepted the chair of didactic and exegetical theology at Princeton Theological Seminary, a position he held until his death in 1886. Though his teaching at Princeton lasted but ten years, his writings reflect the warm evangelicalism* which nourished Princeton's stout theology, conservative Presbyterian-ism's resistance to all attempts to revise the Westminster Confession of Faith* and a breadth of vision extending to America's political and social milieu.
His Life of Charles Hodge (1880) was not merely an adulatory biography of his father. It reveals characteristics of evangelical piety* that motivated all Princetonians—the role of conversion* in religious experience* and the necessity of balancing a vital devotional life with orthodox* doctrinal belief. In Outlines of Theology (1878), accounts of his popular preaching on doctrinal themes, Hodge responded to liberals* who used a naturalistic world view to interpret Scripture.* To critics who claimed contradictions existed in the biblical text and between the Bible and what scientists have found in nature, the younger Hodge made explicit Princeton's doctrine of plenary and verbal inspiration. The Bible* is inerrant in its original autographs and infallible in what it teaches. While difficulties in interpretation and apparent irreconcilable statements exist, no proved discrepancies have been found. Since God's works in nature and his Word are both revelation, scientific research can never ultimately conflict with biblical teaching. Hodge reaffirmed his views on inerrancy in an article, "Inspiration," written with Benjamin B. Warfield* in 1881 for the Presbyterian Review. His denomination adopted Princeton's view of the Bible as its official teaching in the Portland Deliverance* (1892), which figured in three heresy trials,* and the Five Point Deliverance* (1910), which influenced the fundamentalist-modernist debate.*
After the Civil War,* Hodge led evangelical resistance against secularists who mounted a campaign to alter the religious basis for American public life. In 1877, at the First General Council of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, he denounced attempts to replace biblical theism* with naturalism as the philosophical foundation of education, law, politics and other public institutions. Arguing against secularist claims that religion applies only to private morality and that public life should be neutral, Hodge contended that God held both nations and individuals accountable for implementing biblical principles in public life. He belonged to the National Reform Association* whose aim was to amend the preamble to the Constitution to acknowledge the authority* of Jesus Christ over the U.S. government. Hodge believed church and state should be separate, but as an ardent postmillenialist* he also thought religion must be closely integrated into American political, economic and social institutions. The sovereignty of God requires believers to bring all aspects of human society into conformity with God's righteous laws.
In Popular Lectures on Theological Themes, published posthumously in 1887, Hodge called for a revitalization of Calvinism. He contended that only the Reformed world view, because it seeks the glory of God in all areas of life, is sufficiently broad to provide a biblical basis for the family, law, education and economics, and that only it prevents them from being drastically reinterpreted by secularists.
See also Princeton Theology.
Bibliography. DAB V; L. A. Loetscher, The Broadening Church (1954); M. A. Noll, The Princeton Theology, 1812-1921 (1983); G. S. Smith, The Seeds of Secularization (1985); C. A. Salmond, Princetonia: Charles and A A Hodge (1888).
W. A. Hoffecker
—Dictionary of Christianity in America
The Holiness Movement grew from seeds planted in the 1830s, although it did not take definite institutional form until after the Civil War.* It emphasized the complete sanctification* of Christian believers, often, though not always, conceiving of it as something like a second conversion* experience, instantaneous and dramatic. A variety of terms was used to describe this "deeper work" beyond conversion, including "entire sanctification," "Christian perfection," "the second blessing," "the higher Christian life,"* "the rest of faith" and "full salvation." The Movement drew support from persons of many different ecclesiastical traditions and denominations,* although Methodists* were always prominent among its leaders. At first more or less tolerated, if not actually embraced warmly by the existing churches, many Holiness advocates eventually came into open conflict with denominational leaders. This led by the 1880s and 1890s to the founding of numerous independent Holiness churches, many of which have continuing histories to the present.
Pre-Civil War Beginnings. The immediate antecedents of the Holiness Movement lie in pre-Civil War American revivalism* and the growing influence of Methodism over American Protestantism* in the early decades of the nineteenth century. The revivalism associated with the Second Great Awakening* helped to create a religious climate in which the power and active presence of God in the world and in Christian believers' lives were expected—and perceived—on every hand. A religious optimism mirrored and contributed to the broad optimism in American social, political and economic life in this same period. Revivals of religion encouraged Christians to believe in great spiritual possibilities, including the full perfection of individuals and society. As a result several varieties of perfectionist* teaching had sprung up by the 1830s and 1840s.
One influential center of perfectionist thought grew up at Oberlin College.* Sponsored mostly by New School* Presbyterians* and Congregationalists,* Oberlin after 1835 became a hotbed of social, educational and religious innovation. Perfectionist thought there was championed notably by Charles G. Finney* and Asa Mahan,* among others. Both were active in revivals in the 1820s and early 1830s, and their religious views were greatly affected by this experience. Both were also influenced by the theology of Nathaniel William Taylor,* who was modifying traditional Calvinist* orthodoxy* by stressing the moral ability of human beings and virtually doing away with the concept of inherited depravity.
Already incipient perfectionists when they arrived at Oberlin (Mahan in 1834, Finney in 1835), their union enabled them to sharpen their focus and clarify their ideas. In late 1836 and early 1837 they entered together into an extended period of study and reflection, emerging from this period as fully convinced perfectionists. Finney's Lectures to Professing Christians (1837), which were delivered and then serialized in the New York Evangelist at this time, gave considerable space to the matter of sanctification or "perfect sanctification." Mahan soon systematized his ideas in print in The Scripture Doctrine of Christian Perfection Illustrated and Confirmed (1839). Also in late 1838 they launched the periodical The Oberlin Evangelist mainly as a forum for Holiness teaching. Finney further emphasized the theme by unfurling a banner over his revival tents proclaiming "Holiness unto the Lord."
Crucial to the full conversion of both Mahan and Finney to perfectionist teaching was their exposure to Methodist literature during the winter of 1836-1837. They consulted John Wesley's Plain Account of Christian Perfection, the Bible* commentaries of English Methodist Adam Clarke and John Fletcher's Last Check to Antinomianism (often identified as the Treatise on Christian Perfection). These were the very same sources read by American Methodists. And from them Methodists learned that Christians could experience a "deeper work" of God's grace subsequent to conversion which, while not freeing them from the temptation to commit sin, gave them ability to resist temptation and thus live a life governed by a perfect intention to please God and do good to humankind. Preaching this optimistic gospel of "perfect Love," Methodism grew in America from a handful of small societies modeled on the work of John Wesley in England into the largest Protestant denomination in the country. Methodism's obvious success opened doors for its theology and methods, with the result that many American churches began to absorb aspects of Methodist piety,* and some new groups formed along Methodist lines (e.g., the Evangelical Association and the United Brethren, see German-American Revivalism).
In the flush of its greatest success, however, American Methodism developed an intense anxiety over its identity. Symbolic of its unique identity for many Methodists was the Wesleyan doctrine of Christian perfection. John Wesley himself had declared this the "grand depositum" entrusted by God to the care of the Methodists and the doctrine was a hallmark of early American Methodist preaching. As Methodism grew from a collection of small bands of persons earnestly seeking "Holiness of heart and life" to a far-flung, thriving denomination, however, new challenges and needs sometimes displaced Christian perfection from the center of Methodist life. Concern over this surfaced as early as the first decades of the nineteenth century, and by the 1830s many Methodist leaders were echoing the pastoral address to the 1832 general conference which asked Methodists, "Why... have we so few living witnesses that 'the blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth from all sin?'" and urged on them renewal of the pursuit after perfect love. Before long, special meetings, books and periodicals were promoting a revival of "second blessing Holiness" among Methodists.
One of the most effective of the Methodist promoters of Holiness was laywoman Phoebe Worrall Palmer.* Daughter of a prominent New York Methodist family and wife of well-to-do physician Dr. Walter C. Palmer (1804-1883), she became an articulate spokesperson for "the way of Holiness." An extensive preaching* ministry* took her to churches and camp meetings across the U.S., Canada and Britain. Over the span of three decades, she authored numerous books, beginning with The Way of Holiness (1843), and between 1864 and 1874 she edited the periodical The Guide to Holiness. But perhaps most significant was her leadership of the Tuesday Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness, a "social religious gathering" in New York City which for more than sixty years helped shape the views of many ministers and lay* people both inside and outside of Methodism.
Palmer's work grew out of an intense personal religious pilgrimage which was capped in 1837 by an act of entirely devoting herself to God, which resulted in her full sanctification. Benefitting much from the spiritual counsel of her sister, Sarah Worrall Lankford,* she joined her in promoting Holiness among a group of women—later women and men—which met on Tuesday afternoons to pray,* study the Bible* and share accounts of religious experience.* When Sarah moved in early 1840, Phoebe became the acknowledged leader, presiding for more than thirty years over this group which sometimes reached several hundred in attendance, included prominent Methodists and non-Methodist religious leaders of the day, and spawned hundreds of similar gatherings throughout North America and some other parts of the world. Palmer herself considered this meeting to be the "nursery" of the Holiness Movement.
Whereas Finney at Oberlin blended Wesleyan perfectionism with the "new measures"* revivalism which he pioneered among Presbyterians and Congregationalists, Phoebe Palmer blended new measures revivalism with the Wesleyan perfectionism she absorbed from her Methodist heritage. The ingredients were the same in each case, but the mixture was slightly different. Both stressed the obligation of Christians to be fully sanctified. Both taught that Christians could experience full sanctification through willing the complete consecration of themselves to God. And both expected fully sanctified Christians to express their total devotion to God and God's will through constant efforts to preach the gospel, feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and generally alleviate human suffering and promote the welfare of humankind. Palmer, however, emphasized the instantaneous "second conversion" aspect of full sanctification, while Finney tended to see it as more of a gradual process. Also, Finney defined full sanctification, or holiness, in terms of perfect obedience to the moral law, while for Palmer it was more a matter of perfect submission to the divine will. In practice the differences were minimal, however, with Oberlin perfectionists mixing easily with Methodist perfectionists inspired by Palmer and together stimulating a quest for holiness throughout much of American Protestantism on the eve of the Civil War.
The Post-Civil War Holiness Crusade. The Civil War brought the first phase of the Holiness Movement to an end. The division and distraction the war occasioned, as well as the exhausting moral debate over slavery leading up to it, combined to sap the Movement's momentum and at the same time to undermine the fortunes of organized religion generally. Desiring to revive the sagging fortunes of the quest for holiness, a group of ministers met two years after the war's end to organize a camp meeting* for promoting holiness, a perfect vehicle they thought for generating new interest in the higher Christian life. This would be like the popular camp meetings of the day, except that almost all preaching and activity would have as its explicit aim the full sanctification of those who were already Christian believers.
This first "general camp meeting" (as distinguished from the usual district or conference camp meetings sponsored by many Methodist districts and conferences) for the promotion of holiness was held in the Methodist village of Vineland, New Jersey, in July 1867. Among its sponsors were William Bramwell Osborn (1832-1902), Methodist presiding elder of southern New Jersey; John Inskip (1816-1884), a prominent Methodist pastor entirely sanctified through the influence of Phoebe Palmer; and Mrs. Harriet Drake, a Methodist lay woman who underwrote half the expenses of the meeting. Pleased with the results of their efforts, the sponsors met near the close of the camp and organized the National Campmeeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness,* electing Inskip as its president. The purpose of the new group was simply to organize and promote subsequent Holiness camp meetings, although its activities eventually came to include a publishing arm (National Publishing Association for the Promotion of Holiness) and a foreign missionary arm (National Holiness Missionary Society—precursor of today's World Gospel Mission). The camp meetings were so popular that the association very soon began sponsoring several meetings each summer in different locations rather than only one.
This new development significantly changed the course of the Holiness Movement. It gave the Movement an organizational center it had not previously had. In 1874 Phoebe Palmer died, and in 1875 Finney died. A new generation of leaders emerged to direct the quest for full sanctification, largely through the National Campmeeting Association and the host of state, regional and local Holiness organizations which it spawned. The latter were not formally affiliated with the national organization, but they modeled themselves after it, employed the Holiness evangelists it endorsed and generally cooperated with it in promoting the higher Christian life. Both the national association and the numerous regional, state and local associations were interdenominational, but often dominated by Methodists. After the Civil War Holiness preaching and teaching in America increasingly came to be defined by, and identified with, the activities of the new organizations.
In time the National Holiness Association* (as the Campmeeting Association came to be known) and the various independent organizations it had encouraged took somewhat different paths. Always the preserve of Methodists loyal to their denomination, the national association fought the strong tendency of organized "Holiness work" to move beyond the orbit of the existing churches. On the other hand, regional, state and local Holiness associations often became quasi-churches as members zealously found outlets for expressing their "entire devotion to God" through evangelistic meetings, prayer groups, Holiness papers, downtown city missions and organizations to deal with social problems such as homes for "fallen women" and orphanages. These groups were strongest in the Midwest and Southwest, where they were geographically distant from eastern seats of power. They were typically led by younger, often rural-bred leaders, who had a smaller stake in existing denominations, and they were often more truly interdenominational than the national association. Such groups became the breeding ground for "come-outism," as the movement to form independent Holiness churches was known.
A series of General Holiness Conventions commencing in 1877 provided a forum for both denominational loyalists and "come-outers" within the Holiness Movement. Promoted first by Methodist loyalists who petitioned the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church to call a conference on Holiness, thus demonstrating that church's commitment to Christian perfection— when Methodist officials declined to cooperate, the conventions were actually organized by the national association working together with some of the regional Holiness groups. National association leaders hoped to harness these meetings to the cause of denominational loyalty and interdenominational cooperation and tried to control the proceedings accordingly. Come-outers helped to sway participants to their view. Neither side was fully successful, although the cause of "come-outism" did prosper significantly during the period in which the conventions were held.
About the time the Holiness Movement entered this phase of its development in the U.S., its influence was spreading to the British Isles. American Holiness evangelists like Charles Finney and Phoebe and Walter Palmer had preached there occasionally in the 1840s, 1850s and 1860s, but it was not until the 1870s that an organized movement emerged. This was due largely to the work of the American husband and wife team of Robert Pearsall Smith* and Hannah Whitall Smith,* who visited Britain from 1873 to 1875. They were central figures in the Oxford Union Meeting for the Promotion of Scriptural Holiness held in 1874 and a similar gathering held at Brighton in 1875.
These were not unlike the American Holiness camp meetings, and they gave a central focus to higher life activity in Britain. This was made permanent with the founding of the Keswick* Convention in 1876, a higher life institution which continues to the present, convening yearly in the English Lake District. Representatives of various religious bodies in the British Isles participated in these meetings and embraced perfectionist teaching. The Movement was not dominated by Methodists, however, as it was in the U.S. As a result, Keswick Holiness thought developed a distinctive coloring which owed more to the Calvinist* tradition than to the Arminian* strain in Wesleyan thought. Keswick teachers taught that the second blessing* "suppressed" rather than eliminated the inclination to sin in the Christian believer, and that the chief result of the "deeper work" of divine grace was not purity of heart and intention so much as it was power for service to God and fellow human beings.
Keswick teaching was eventually imported to the U.S. in the 1880s and 1890s via the celebrated Northfield Conferences* organized by Dwight L. Moody.* Moody, who was preaching in England when the Oxford and Brighton conferences were held, was attracted to higher life teaching and regularly invited prominent British higher life teachers to his conferences when these began in 1880. In this way a broad spectrum of American Protestants who esteemed Moody were exposed to one variety of Holiness teaching. As a result Keswick teaching blended with Oberlin and Methodist perfectionism, strengthening the perfectionist strain already present in American Protestantism.
Separation. By the 1880s and 1890s large numbers of Holiness advocates had become alienated from their churches. Opposition of ecclesiastical officials to the highly independent and rapidly multiplying Holiness associations and bands led to tension and conflict. Changing patterns of worship* in some large urban churches disappointed recent arrivals from small towns and farms who were more accustomed to revival or camp meeting-style religion. The growing influence of theological liberalism and modernism* in many denominations symbolized to some a further drift away from "old time religion." And, of course, the Holiness association had a way of developing a life of its own, finally siphoning the energies of its supporters off from their denominations. All this came together to create a climate which was right for separation.
Beginning in 1881 with Daniel Sidney Warner's* Church of God* (now Church of God, Anderson, Indiana), the Holiness Movement began to produce numerous independent churches. By the end of the century, the Church of God was joined by such groups as the Association of Pentecostal Churches in America, the New Testament Church of Christ, the Church of the Nazarene, the Hephzibah Faith Missionary Association and the Missionary Church Association. Several of these groups united over time under the name the Church of the Nazarene,* thus becoming the largest of the new denominations produced by the Holiness Movement. Several other churches already in existence also came to identify themselves as "Holiness churches" and to associate themselves with the new groups. These included, among others, The Salvation Army,* the Wesleyan Methodist Church, the Free Methodist Church,* the Brethren in Christ Church* and the Evangelical Friends.*
Holiness and Pentecostalism. By promoting entire sanctification the Holiness Movement helped to make possible the rise of Pentecostalism* in the early twentieth century. But a significant factor during the second half of the nineteenth century was the growing popularity in Holiness circles of using the term baptism of the Holy Spirit or baptism with the Holy Spirit to describe the "deeper work of grace," or "second blessing," of entire sanctification. This term was embraced by Wesleyan, Oberlin, and Keswick segments of the Movement alike, and the biblical account of the gift of the Spirit to the early church on the Day of Pentecost became an important resource for preaching and teaching Holiness. In time some within the Holiness Movement began to identify speaking in tongues as the outward sign of receiving the baptism with the Spirit. This new teaching led to a fracture in the Movement and the emergence of still more new churches in the years following the 1906 Azusa Street Revival* in Los Angeles, an event generally regarded as the beginning of the modern Pentecostal Movement.
Bibliography. D. W. Dayton, ed., "The Higher Christian Life": Sources for Studying the Holiness, Pentecostal and Keswick Movements, 48 vols. (1984-1985); D. W. Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (1987); M. E. Dieter, The Holiness Revival of the Nineteenth Century (1980); C. E. Jones, A Guide to the Study of the Holiness Movement (1974); C. E. Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867-1936 (1974); J. L. Peters, Christian Perfection and American Methodism (1956); T. L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform in Mid-Nineteenth- Century America (1957); V. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States (1971).
H. E. Raser
—Dictionary of Christianity in America
Horton, (T)homas (C)orwin (1848-1932).
Minister and cofounder of the Bible Institute of Los Angeles (now known as Biola University). Born in Cincinnati, Ohio, Horton attended Farmer's College at College Hill, Ohio, for one year and went on to become a successful businessman by age twenty-seven. Turning to Christian work, he served as YMCA* secretary in Indianapolis (1876), later serving in that same position in St. Paul, Minnesota, and Dallas, Texas (1904-1906). Horton spent some time at Hope Presbyterian Church in St. Paul, apparently as an evangelist.* Ordained* into the Presbyterian* ministry in 1884, Horton soon went to Philadelphia to serve as associate pastor with dispensationalist* and missions leader A. T. Pier-son* at Bethany Presbyterian Church (1885-1889). He then pastored the First Congregational Church (1900-1903) of Dallas, Texas (later called Scofield* Memorial Church). In 1906 Horton moved to Los Angeles, where he would remain for the rest of his career.
In 1906, while serving at Los Angeles's Immanuel Presbyterian Church, he founded the Fishermen's Club. Established to train laymen* in Bible* and evangelism,* the club eventually became an international organization. His wife, Anna (Kings-bury), founded the Lyceum Club for women. Horton's most significant educational contribution was his founding of the Bible Institute of Los Angeles in 1908 (now Biola University in La Mirada, California). With the financial backing of oilman and Christian layman Lyman Stuart,* Horton founded and served as the superintendent of the school, which was established to prepare young people for Christian service.
During his years in Los Angeles, Horton remained an active minister and served for several years as associate pastor of the Church of the Open Door (1915-1924). As a leading dispensational premillennialist,* Horton organized the Southern California Premillennial Association. He published several popular Christian books, including Personal and Practical Christian Work (1922) and the Potency of Prayer (1928). He also served as editor of two periodicals: The King's Business (1910-1925) and Fishers of Men (1930-1932).
Bibliography. "Daddy Horton," Fishers of Men (April-June 1932):1-15; J. O. Henry, "Black Oil and Souls to Win" The King's Business (February 1958):10-41.
D. G. Buss
—Dictionary of Christianity in America
Talmage, (T)homas DeWitt (1832-1902).
Dutch Reformed* and Presbyterian* preacher.* Talmage was born near Bound Brook, New Jersey, and was the son of a farmer. He had three brothers, a brother-in-law and two uncles who were ministers in the Dutch Reformed Church. After attending school in New Brunswick, New Jersey, at the age of nineteen he entered the University of the City of New York to study law. Talmage never completed his law course, turning instead to the study of theology at the New Brunswick Theological Seminary of the Dutch Reformed Church, from which he graduated in 1856.
Ordained* in 1856, Talmage pastored the Dutch Reformed Church at Belleville, New Jersey, until 1859. He then served the Dutch Reformed Church in Syracuse, New York (1859-1862), followed by a pastorate at the Second Dutch Reformed Church of Philadelphia (1862-1869). Accepting a call from the badly divided Central Presbyterian Church in Brooklyn, New York (1869), he remained there until 1895, developing it into one of the largest churches in the U.S. During his tenure there he attracted considerable attention and became involved in lecturing and journalism, in addition to his preaching. Three times during his Brooklyn pastorate the church building burned down, and each time his middle- and upper-class congregation replaced it with a larger and more impressive edifice, the final two with seating in excess of 5,000. Shortly after the last building burned, he moved to Washington, D.C., where he pastored the First Presbyterian Church (1895-1899).
Probably the most popular preacher during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, Talmage's sermons were published in 3,500 newspapers. They also appeared in the journals Christian at Work (1874-1876), Frank Leslie's Sunday Magazine (1881-1889) and Christian Herald (1890-1902), all of which were edited by Talmage. Considered a master of sensational rhetoric and having an unconventional style of organizing and delivering his sermons, he was both strongly admired and criticized. The substance of the criticism was that he mishandled texts by badly pulling them out of context and that he mistook assertion for proof. His admirers appreciated his florid rhetoric and his ability to communicate to the cultured urban dwellers of the Gilded Age. Not an innovator in theology and an outspoken critic of Darwinism,* he was nonetheless accused in 1879 before the Brooklyn Presbytery "of falsehood and deceit and... using improper methods of preaching which tend to bring religion into contempt." Talmage was acquitted of these charges by a close vote, but the fact that he was charged demonstrates the controversial nature of his preaching. His collected sermons fill twenty volumes.
Bibliography. C. E. Banks, Authorized and Authentic Life and Works of T. DeWitt Talmage (1902); DAB IX; DARB; NCAB 4; J. Rusk, The Authentic Life of T. DeWitt Talmage (1902); M. Talmage, ed., 500 Selected Sermons, 20 vols. (1900).
J. R. Wiers
—Dictionary of Christianity in America